Sorry to keep harping on abstract theoretical topics. I was in Boulder for a 2-day workshop with my urban scaling research group. I'll blog about that soon; it is very exciting right now. Rosemary Joyce was at the Anthropology Department as a "Distinguished Lecturer." There were a few hours available between our meeting and the flight back home, so I went to see her talk, titled, Flows of Clay: Archaeology and the New Materialisms.
I must admit that I really didn't understand the theory aspect at all. There were some ruminations about the properties of the archaeological record that I understood (e.g., varying rhythms of temporal duration and resolution), but the theory made no sense at all. She admitted at the beginning that when she gave similar lectures in the past, they were often met with silence because people didn't understand her.
Maybe one should not criticize what one doesn't understand. This is usually reasonable advice, and I sure don't understand the "new materiality theory." I can't even figure out what is non-trivial about the "old materiality theory." One side of me just wants to leave this alone and get on with my business. But several aspects of this talk really disturbed me.
First, one of the major points was that archaeology has a lot to contribute to the new materiality theory, but the non-archaeologists working in that area don't know about archaeology or its value to their enterprise. I guess if one starts with the notion that new materiality theory is a Good Thing, then that is a reasonable point to make. But from where I start -- that archaeology is a historical social science science of the comparative and explanatory sort, then the propositions that materiality theory is is useful, and that archaeologists should go around worrying about whether we are contributing to it, are dubious. Is this a useful role for archaeology?
Second, I was bothered by the fact that Rosemary ruled out my intellectual perspective early in the talk. She presented scholarly knowledge as a choice between the humanities and the natural sciences. These are different, and they form the basis for our choices about the external connections and relevance of archaeology. Well, my scholarship is clearly not in either the humanities OR the natural sciences. My work as a historical social scientist simply is not captured by these two choices.
I dragged my colleague, Jose Lobo, along to the talk. As an urban economist, a former physicist, and an urban scholar, Jose is very interested in what archaeology can contribute to the body of knowledge about cities and economies and their changes through time. I had to apologize to him afterword for suggesting he attend the lecture. His overall reaction was that the talk was "vacuous." He was particularly incensed by Rosemary's characterization of the science of physics as being about "unobservables."
The thing that disturbed me most about this talk was that this kind of approach serves to isolate archaeology from the social sciences (both by ruling them out explicitly, and by using theory that is so highly abstract as to be meaningless) and to isolate archaeology from the public. Few people can understand this stuff. In the questions there was some discussion about whether undergrads could understand this kind of theory (the consensus seemed to be negative). I know that I wouldn't be caught dead talking about this kind of abstract theory to my undergraduates. If social-science ideas don't make sense in conversation to ordinary people, then I have serious doubts about their scholarly utility. See my post on the concept of "community" for some discussion of this idea.
To my mind, archaeology is about the human societies of the past. We document the traces of past societies, and we use our methods and concepts to make statements about social-science topics (households, villages, communities, exchange, production, ritual, domination, inequality, and the like), and we try to understand causality and change in the past. The "new materiality theory" does not contribute to these goals. I was temped to ask the question, "How does all this help us understand ancient society in Formative period Honduras and its changes through time?" But Rosemary is an old friend and that question would probably be considered hostile (although I would have intended it as a dispassionate query). I was a guest at the Boulder anthro department, and didn't want to rile things up unnecessarily.
As to the question in the title of this talk, I really can't decide whether this stuff is vacuous or just incomprehensible. To me, though, the implication is the same.
Showing posts with label Postmodernism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Postmodernism. Show all posts
Saturday, February 6, 2016
Tuesday, February 2, 2016
Is the "social production of space" a bad concept?
I spent years trying to figure out what the "social production of space" means. I read the works people were citing and recommending (Lefebrve, Setha Low, Gottdeiner in sociology, etc.). Lefebvre was a wash-out: incomprehensible. (And when I read his statement that humans only reach their full potential when living in cities, the anthropologist in me barfed. So all those poor slobs, our ancestors, living in the world before the urban revolution. They couldn't reach their potentials. Give me a break.) The other authors seemed to make sense while I was reading them, but then 30 minutes later I couldn't for the life of me recall what the concept meant. I had a real block about this idea. Finally, in talking with an archaeologist colleague who was fully committed to the social production of space, it dawned on me why I had so much trouble with the concept.
After hearing her explanation, I asked whether there was such a thing as space that was NOT socially produced. Space, that is, that had been the setting for some kind of human activity, not space on Mars or in Greenland 30,000 years ago. No, of course not! Space is always socially produced. Aha! If space is always socially produced, then how is this a useful concept? Space is socially produced by definition. Fine, but how does this advance our understanding of variation among human spaces? This marketplace and that ceremonial plaza are both socially produced. But I want to know how they differ, as well as how they are similar. This platform was once a ceremonial structure, and then it became a housefloor in a later period. I'd like to understand that process of change. But if the space of that platform was always socially produced, how can that concept help me understand change through time?
The problem, for me, is that the social production of space is a humanities concept, and I think like a social scientist (in case you haven't guessed). The social production of space is one of those highly abstract, philosophical concepts that describes the way the world works in general; it is not a concept that explains specific social contexts on the ground. For fans of Abend (2008), this concept is theory type 5, and/or perhaps theory type 3; it is certainly not a workhorse causal concept that pertains to theory types 1 and 2. See my discussion of Abend here., or better, go read the paper yourself. It's a great paper that will open the eyes of archaeologists. As I detail in my paper on arguments in archaeology (Smith 2015), abstract and philosophical social theory is not useful for explaining social processes on the ground (see also Smith 2011). It is for high-level musing about how the world is structured in general
For the social production of space, see Lefebvre, Low or Soja. Unwin provides a critique (references below)
I was reminded of my original reaction to the social production of space while reading an excellent treatment of social science methods (6 and Bellamy 2012). In their chapter on concept formation, they discuss "four closely related methodological reasons for ensuring that concepts are sound and appropriately structured" (p. 131). And, guess what? The social production of space is NOT a sound and appropriately structured concept from the perspective of social science epistemology. It may be a fine concept in the humanities; I couldn't say. What are the four reasons?
(1) "If we define and/or operationalise concepts wrongly, then our research questions will lack precision, and we shall not be able to choose the right cases or population to test them. That is to say, our research will lose external validity." [SPS is not a very precise concept]
(2) "If we specify and structure our concepts poorly, we cannot develop appropriate research instruments and apply them accurately and consistently. So the reseach will not achieve measurement validity and reliability." [Does the social production of space have any research instruments at all?]
(3) "Without getting concepts right, we cannot select appropriate populations and cases and thus make appropriate comparisons between them:"
(4) "Quite simply, if we specify concepts wrongly, we will draw incorrect inferences in explanations and interpretations." (all quotes, pp. 131-133)
So, quite simply, the social production of space does not make the grade as an adequate social science concept. Gerring (2012) has a nice discussion of concept formation in the social sciences, even better than 6 and Bellamy (and yes, the surname is "6"). I didn't have the heart to trot out Gerring and evaluate SPS in terms of his criteria.
If you view archaeology as part of the humanities, then much of what I write in this blog may not make much sense. But if you view it as a social science--a discipline that can contribute to the task of understanding human societies and their transformations over time in a rigorous fashion that will be accepted by other social scientists--then you should pay attention to your concepts, and think about whether they can carry real explanatory weight or whether they are just abstract hot air.
6, Perri and Christine Bellamy
2012 Principles of Methodology: Research Design in Social Science. Sage, New York.
Abend, Gabriel
2008 The Meaning of "Theory". Sociological Theory 26: 173-199.
Gerring, John
2012 Social Science Methodology: A Unified Framework. 2nd ed. Cambridge University Press, New York.
Lefebvre, Henri
1991 The Production of Space. Translated by Donald Nicholson-Smith. Blackwell, Oxford.
Low, Setha M.
1996 Spatializing Culture: The Social Production and Social Construction of Public Space in Costa Rica. American Ethnologist 23: 861-879.
Smith, Michael E.
2011 Empirical Urban Theory for Archaeologists. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 18: 167-192.
2015 How can Archaeologists Make Better Arguments? The SAA Archaeological Record 15 (4): 18-23.
Soja, Edward W.
2000 Postmetropolis: Critical Studies of Cities and Regions. Blackwell, Oxford.
Unwin, Tim
2000 A Waste of Space? Towards a Critique of the Social Production of Space. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 25 (1): 11-29.
After hearing her explanation, I asked whether there was such a thing as space that was NOT socially produced. Space, that is, that had been the setting for some kind of human activity, not space on Mars or in Greenland 30,000 years ago. No, of course not! Space is always socially produced. Aha! If space is always socially produced, then how is this a useful concept? Space is socially produced by definition. Fine, but how does this advance our understanding of variation among human spaces? This marketplace and that ceremonial plaza are both socially produced. But I want to know how they differ, as well as how they are similar. This platform was once a ceremonial structure, and then it became a housefloor in a later period. I'd like to understand that process of change. But if the space of that platform was always socially produced, how can that concept help me understand change through time?
The problem, for me, is that the social production of space is a humanities concept, and I think like a social scientist (in case you haven't guessed). The social production of space is one of those highly abstract, philosophical concepts that describes the way the world works in general; it is not a concept that explains specific social contexts on the ground. For fans of Abend (2008), this concept is theory type 5, and/or perhaps theory type 3; it is certainly not a workhorse causal concept that pertains to theory types 1 and 2. See my discussion of Abend here., or better, go read the paper yourself. It's a great paper that will open the eyes of archaeologists. As I detail in my paper on arguments in archaeology (Smith 2015), abstract and philosophical social theory is not useful for explaining social processes on the ground (see also Smith 2011). It is for high-level musing about how the world is structured in general
For the social production of space, see Lefebvre, Low or Soja. Unwin provides a critique (references below)
I was reminded of my original reaction to the social production of space while reading an excellent treatment of social science methods (6 and Bellamy 2012). In their chapter on concept formation, they discuss "four closely related methodological reasons for ensuring that concepts are sound and appropriately structured" (p. 131). And, guess what? The social production of space is NOT a sound and appropriately structured concept from the perspective of social science epistemology. It may be a fine concept in the humanities; I couldn't say. What are the four reasons?
(1) "If we define and/or operationalise concepts wrongly, then our research questions will lack precision, and we shall not be able to choose the right cases or population to test them. That is to say, our research will lose external validity." [SPS is not a very precise concept]
(2) "If we specify and structure our concepts poorly, we cannot develop appropriate research instruments and apply them accurately and consistently. So the reseach will not achieve measurement validity and reliability." [Does the social production of space have any research instruments at all?]
(3) "Without getting concepts right, we cannot select appropriate populations and cases and thus make appropriate comparisons between them:"
(4) "Quite simply, if we specify concepts wrongly, we will draw incorrect inferences in explanations and interpretations." (all quotes, pp. 131-133)
So, quite simply, the social production of space does not make the grade as an adequate social science concept. Gerring (2012) has a nice discussion of concept formation in the social sciences, even better than 6 and Bellamy (and yes, the surname is "6"). I didn't have the heart to trot out Gerring and evaluate SPS in terms of his criteria.
If you view archaeology as part of the humanities, then much of what I write in this blog may not make much sense. But if you view it as a social science--a discipline that can contribute to the task of understanding human societies and their transformations over time in a rigorous fashion that will be accepted by other social scientists--then you should pay attention to your concepts, and think about whether they can carry real explanatory weight or whether they are just abstract hot air.
6, Perri and Christine Bellamy
2012 Principles of Methodology: Research Design in Social Science. Sage, New York.
Abend, Gabriel
2008 The Meaning of "Theory". Sociological Theory 26: 173-199.
Gerring, John
2012 Social Science Methodology: A Unified Framework. 2nd ed. Cambridge University Press, New York.
Lefebvre, Henri
1991 The Production of Space. Translated by Donald Nicholson-Smith. Blackwell, Oxford.
Low, Setha M.
1996 Spatializing Culture: The Social Production and Social Construction of Public Space in Costa Rica. American Ethnologist 23: 861-879.
Smith, Michael E.
2011 Empirical Urban Theory for Archaeologists. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 18: 167-192.
2015 How can Archaeologists Make Better Arguments? The SAA Archaeological Record 15 (4): 18-23.
Soja, Edward W.
2000 Postmetropolis: Critical Studies of Cities and Regions. Blackwell, Oxford.
Unwin, Tim
2000 A Waste of Space? Towards a Critique of the Social Production of Space. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 25 (1): 11-29.
Saturday, April 4, 2015
Bad revisonist history: The postprocessualists invented household archaeology!
I was quite surprised recently to read that postprocessualists were responsible for developing the household archaeology approach. This is so wrong that I'm not sure where to start. I was reading William Fowler's introduction to a special section of the journal Ancient Mesoamerica (vol 25, no. 2, 2014, pp. 367-68). The section is called "Households make history in ancient Mesoamerica. Some of the articles are pretty good, and some are pretty bad.
After reviewing some aspects of postprocessual archaeology in an approving tone, Fowler states:
"It should be clear by now why a true focus on households did not come into archaeology until the 1980's ushered in a concern with the individual, agency-structure, and practice. The emphasis on cultural evolution, complexity, and hierarchy in processual archaeology obscured the importance of the household and individual action." (p.368).
Problem 1: Chronology; Household archaeology, with a "true focus on households," started before the 1980s. "Household archaeology" got its start in the 1970s. The Early Mesoamerican Village was published in 1976, describing work done in the early and mid-1970s (Flannery 1976). This was a highly empirical work, focusing on house form, household activities, and the integration of households into communities. (A personal note: this book, which I read during fieldschool at Cahokia in 1976, had the greatest influence on my research and career of anything I've ever read). By 1980 research around the world was focusing on the house and household as units of analysis. The first major self-conscious synthesis of "household archaeology" as a distinctive approach was published in 1982 (Wilk & Rathje 1982), and by 1983 major syntheses of Mesoamerican household archaeology were appearing (e.g., Rathje 1983, Tourtellot 1983). By 1988, Mesoamerican household archaeology had arrived (Wilk & Ashmore 1988), but still with little influence from postprocessual archaeology.
Problem 2: Intellectual context of early household archaeology. These early studies in household archaeology rarely cited Hodder and cannot by any means be labelled as "postprocessualist" approaches. Postprocessualists typically offer a simplistic view of the theoretical landscape of archaeology, suggesting that strict Binfordian processualism was the only major alternative to postprocessualist thought. This seems to be Fowler's position. But the early household archaeology did not fall into either the processualist or the postprocessualist camps. The major theoretical inpetus came from the rational-choice models of households that were common in the social sciences and social history in the 1980s. The major theoretical and empirical synthesis of this approach was the volume Households: Comparative and Historical Studies of the Domestic Group (Netting, Wilk & Arnould 1984). Robert Mc. Netting's comparative and theoretical work on households was particularly influential among the early household archaeologists. He participated in a number of archaeological conferences in the late 1970s, which was one reason his approach to households was so influential in archaeology (Netting 1977, 1982). Richard Wilk was also very important, since his archaeological background helped bridge the gap between archaeology and the realm of theoretical and comparative household studies. Netting and Wilk cannot be placed into either the processual or postprocessual camp, and neither can the early household archaeology approach.

Hodder didn't publish Symbols in Action until 1982, and his major statement of postprocessual archaeology appeared in 1985. The early household archaeology was able to free itself from the constraints of processual archaeology by adopting the rational-choice theoretical approach of Netting, Wilk and others. But its practitioners had little or nothing to do with postprocessualist archaeology.
I'm not sure just when postprocessualist household archaeology got started. The earliest clear example in my database are some papers in Samson (1990). But since I don't consider postprocessual archaeology to be rigorous or useful, it is seriously underrepresented in my Endnote file. But in the case of the origins of household archaeology, you don't have to be a rabid anti-postprocessualist / anti-poststructuralist / anti-postmodernist like me to acknowledge that household archaeology developed and grew into a major archaeological topic without any influence from those approaches.
And if you really think that processual and postprocessual are the major theoretical alternatives in archaeology (as Fowler seems to think, and as Gillespie 2013:307 argues), then please read some works by Richard Blanton, or check my urban theory paper, or just read some social science literature outside of anthropology or archaeology.
REFERENCES
Flannery, Kent V. (editor) (1976) The Early Mesoamerican Village. Academic Press, New York.
Gillespie, Susan D. (2013) Early monumentality in North America: another comparative perspective for Africa. Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 48(2):301-314.
Hodder, Ian (1982) Symbols in Action: Ethnoarchaeological Studies of Material Culture. Cambridge University Press, New York.
Hodder, Ian (1985) Postprocessual Archaeology. Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory 8:1-26.
Netting, Robert McC. (1977) Maya Subsistence: Mythologist, Analogies, Possibilities. In The Origins of Maya Civilization, edited by Richard E. W. Adams, pp. 299-334. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Netting, Robert McC. (1982) Some Home Truths on Household Size and Wealth. American Behavioral Scientist 25:641-662.
Netting, Robert McC., Richard R. Wilk and Eric J. Arnould (editors) (1984) Households: Comparative and Historical Studies of the Domestic Group. University of California Press, Berkeley.
Rathje, William L. (1983) To the Salt of the Earth: Some Comments on Household Archaeology Among the Maya. In Prehistoric Settlement Patterns: Essays in Honor of Gordon R. Willey, edited by Evon Z. Vogt and Richard M. Leventhal, pp. 23-34. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Samson, Ross (editor) (1990) The Social Archaeology of Houses. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh.
Tourtellot, Gair (1983) An Assessment of Classic Maya Household Composition. In Prehistoric Settlement Patterns: Essays in Honor Gordon R. Willey, edited by Evon Z. Vogt and Richard M.
Leventhal, pp. 35-54. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Wilk, Richard R. and Wendy Ashmore (editors) (1988) Household and Community in the Mesoamerican Past. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Wilk, Richard R. and William L. Rathje (editors) (1982) Archaeology of the Household: Building a Prehistory of Domestic Life. Special Issue of American Behavioral Scientist vol. 25 (6).
After reviewing some aspects of postprocessual archaeology in an approving tone, Fowler states:
"It should be clear by now why a true focus on households did not come into archaeology until the 1980's ushered in a concern with the individual, agency-structure, and practice. The emphasis on cultural evolution, complexity, and hierarchy in processual archaeology obscured the importance of the household and individual action." (p.368).
Problem 1: Chronology; Household archaeology, with a "true focus on households," started before the 1980s. "Household archaeology" got its start in the 1970s. The Early Mesoamerican Village was published in 1976, describing work done in the early and mid-1970s (Flannery 1976). This was a highly empirical work, focusing on house form, household activities, and the integration of households into communities. (A personal note: this book, which I read during fieldschool at Cahokia in 1976, had the greatest influence on my research and career of anything I've ever read). By 1980 research around the world was focusing on the house and household as units of analysis. The first major self-conscious synthesis of "household archaeology" as a distinctive approach was published in 1982 (Wilk & Rathje 1982), and by 1983 major syntheses of Mesoamerican household archaeology were appearing (e.g., Rathje 1983, Tourtellot 1983). By 1988, Mesoamerican household archaeology had arrived (Wilk & Ashmore 1988), but still with little influence from postprocessual archaeology.
Problem 2: Intellectual context of early household archaeology. These early studies in household archaeology rarely cited Hodder and cannot by any means be labelled as "postprocessualist" approaches. Postprocessualists typically offer a simplistic view of the theoretical landscape of archaeology, suggesting that strict Binfordian processualism was the only major alternative to postprocessualist thought. This seems to be Fowler's position. But the early household archaeology did not fall into either the processualist or the postprocessualist camps. The major theoretical inpetus came from the rational-choice models of households that were common in the social sciences and social history in the 1980s. The major theoretical and empirical synthesis of this approach was the volume Households: Comparative and Historical Studies of the Domestic Group (Netting, Wilk & Arnould 1984). Robert Mc. Netting's comparative and theoretical work on households was particularly influential among the early household archaeologists. He participated in a number of archaeological conferences in the late 1970s, which was one reason his approach to households was so influential in archaeology (Netting 1977, 1982). Richard Wilk was also very important, since his archaeological background helped bridge the gap between archaeology and the realm of theoretical and comparative household studies. Netting and Wilk cannot be placed into either the processual or postprocessual camp, and neither can the early household archaeology approach.

Hodder didn't publish Symbols in Action until 1982, and his major statement of postprocessual archaeology appeared in 1985. The early household archaeology was able to free itself from the constraints of processual archaeology by adopting the rational-choice theoretical approach of Netting, Wilk and others. But its practitioners had little or nothing to do with postprocessualist archaeology.
I'm not sure just when postprocessualist household archaeology got started. The earliest clear example in my database are some papers in Samson (1990). But since I don't consider postprocessual archaeology to be rigorous or useful, it is seriously underrepresented in my Endnote file. But in the case of the origins of household archaeology, you don't have to be a rabid anti-postprocessualist / anti-poststructuralist / anti-postmodernist like me to acknowledge that household archaeology developed and grew into a major archaeological topic without any influence from those approaches.
And if you really think that processual and postprocessual are the major theoretical alternatives in archaeology (as Fowler seems to think, and as Gillespie 2013:307 argues), then please read some works by Richard Blanton, or check my urban theory paper, or just read some social science literature outside of anthropology or archaeology.
REFERENCES
Flannery, Kent V. (editor) (1976) The Early Mesoamerican Village. Academic Press, New York.
Gillespie, Susan D. (2013) Early monumentality in North America: another comparative perspective for Africa. Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 48(2):301-314.
Hodder, Ian (1982) Symbols in Action: Ethnoarchaeological Studies of Material Culture. Cambridge University Press, New York.
Hodder, Ian (1985) Postprocessual Archaeology. Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory 8:1-26.
Netting, Robert McC. (1977) Maya Subsistence: Mythologist, Analogies, Possibilities. In The Origins of Maya Civilization, edited by Richard E. W. Adams, pp. 299-334. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Netting, Robert McC. (1982) Some Home Truths on Household Size and Wealth. American Behavioral Scientist 25:641-662.
Netting, Robert McC., Richard R. Wilk and Eric J. Arnould (editors) (1984) Households: Comparative and Historical Studies of the Domestic Group. University of California Press, Berkeley.
Rathje, William L. (1983) To the Salt of the Earth: Some Comments on Household Archaeology Among the Maya. In Prehistoric Settlement Patterns: Essays in Honor of Gordon R. Willey, edited by Evon Z. Vogt and Richard M. Leventhal, pp. 23-34. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Samson, Ross (editor) (1990) The Social Archaeology of Houses. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh.
Tourtellot, Gair (1983) An Assessment of Classic Maya Household Composition. In Prehistoric Settlement Patterns: Essays in Honor Gordon R. Willey, edited by Evon Z. Vogt and Richard M.
Leventhal, pp. 35-54. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Wilk, Richard R. and Wendy Ashmore (editors) (1988) Household and Community in the Mesoamerican Past. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Wilk, Richard R. and William L. Rathje (editors) (1982) Archaeology of the Household: Building a Prehistory of Domestic Life. Special Issue of American Behavioral Scientist vol. 25 (6).
Saturday, May 11, 2013
When our concepts fossilize, or, How to keep archaeology down on the farm
![]() |
| Cuexcomate, an Aztec community |
I’ve been struggling with the problem
of relating some of my archaeological findings to social issues in the world
today. In this case, my focus is on the concept of “community.” I have two
reasons for exploring how Aztec communities (whose remains I have excavated)
are similar or different from modern communities. One reason is public
communication. I am writing a book about Aztec communities intended for a popular,
non-specialist audience, and I want readers to see connections between
communities today and the contexts I am describing in the book. The other
reason is scientific. In line with my strong beliefs that archaeology is a
social science, I want to forge conceptual and empirical links between the
results of my fieldwork and research on contemporary communities.
The major work on the archaeology of
communities, for state-level societies, is the book with that title (Canuto and Yaeger 2000). I never much liked
the concept of community promoted in that work, and I withdrew my name from one
of the chapters to avoid being associated with the book and its approach (that
is, I would have been co-author of one of the chapters, which was then published
without my name). For a number of years I couldn’t put my finger on just what I
disliked, beyond a vague uneasiness with the book’s emphasis on “the community
as a socially constituted institution” and its celebration of “a multiplicity
of perspectives” (Yaeger and Canuto 2000).
I could not see how to operationalize the concepts in that book to analyze ancient
communities as I understood them, and I disliked the vague interpretivist
approach of the editors and some of the authors. To me, things like subjective
meanings, identity, agency, and social construction—major components of that
approach—were not the most important things about communities, today or in the
past.
As my reading expanded into sociology,
economics, and political science over the past few years, I found an approach
to community that seemed more rigorous and useful. The major focus is on social
interactions among people. A community is an institution with particular kinds
of social interactions. This chart (from Bowles
and Gintis 1998:6) illustrates how communities relate to states and
markets, other institutions also based on interactions. Here is how Bowles and
Gintis define community:
“By community we mean a group of
people who interact directly, frequently and in multi-faceted ways. People who
work together are usually communities in this sense, as are some
neighbourhoods, groups of friends, professional and business networks, gangs,
and sports leagues. The list suggests that connection, not affection, is the
defining characteristic of a community. Whether one is born into a community or
one entered by choice, there are normally significant costs to moving from one
to another.” (Bowles and Gintis 2002:F420).
OR:
“By ‘community’ we mean a structure
of social interaction characterized by high entry and exit costs and
nonanonymous relationships among members. As with biological ‘groups,’
interactions among community members are more frequent and extensive than
interactions with ‘outsiders.’ “ (Bowles and
Gintis 1998:3).
Communities foster:
![]() |
| Bungamati, a community in Nepan |
- Frequent interaction among the same agents;
- Low-cost access to information about other community members;
- A tendency to favor interactions with members of one’s own community over outsiders;
- Restricted migration to and from other communities.
“These structural characteristics, we will show, contribute
to the ability of communities to promote pro-social behavior.” (Bowles and Gintis 1998:6) One of their big points is that communities today can accomplish many things more successfully than can markets or states. This, of course, is closely related to the insights of the late Nobel laureate Elinor Ostrom (1990; 2010) on common-pool resource exploitation.
There is a HUGE literature on
community in sociology and other social sciences. Here are some other sources
with similar interaction-based views of community that I find congenial and
very useful for archaeology: (Hechter 1987;
Taylor and Singleton 1993; Sampson 1999; Talen 1999; Tilly 2008; Brower 2011;
Sampson 2012).
This is the literature I draw on in
discussing ancient communities and how they compare to modern communities. When
a new reference work came out recently, I was interested to see an update on The Archaeology of Communities (Canuto and
Yaeger 2012). My initial hope was that these authors may have gotten into
some of the contemporary literature cited above, but instead I found that their
initial interpretivist perspective had fossilized. Although they claim to be
interested in social interaction, this is a very different take on interaction
than is used in sociology, economics, political science, and planning today:
- “Of all the topics recently addressed under the rubric of the archaeology of communities, identities and identity formation have been most salient.” (p.701)
- “These scholars focus on the constitution of past social groups through dialogic relations to other subjects as well as the material world. In this approach, community is a social group with an explicit discursive identity that develops through participation in meaningful practices, at meaningful places, and using meaningful objects.” (702) [Editorial remark from the peanut gallery: Do you think they are interested in meaning?]
- There is a major focus on “intersubjectivity” (702).
![]() |
| Hierarchical community structure (Amos Rapoport) |
As readers of this blog will know, there
is a strong epistemological gap between this kind of interpretivist viewpoint
(soft postmodernism, social archaeology, whatever you want to call it) and the
materialist, social scientific epistemology that I like to promote. I find Canuto and Yaeger’s concept of community problematic for a couple of reasons. First,
it prevents objective comparisons among cases. If subjective meaning and social
construction are paramount, then you just can’t make rigorous comparisons among
communities, ancient or modern. Second, continued adherence to this line of
thought keeps archaeology isolated from contemporary thought and research in
the social sciences. Archaeology is kept “down on the farm” and unable to contribute
to wider debates about communities and other social phenomena.
If you are not familiar with this (non-archaeological) literature on community, you should check it out. I am not the only archaeologist getting into this area of social science research; see the papers in Carballo (2013). I have avoided mentioning the big literature on community in the American Southwest. Much of this work is quite good, well worth considering if you work on non-stsate societies. Schachner (2012) is a good introduction and empirical study.
Bowles, Samuel and Herbert Gintis
1998 The Moral Economy of Communities: Structured
Populations and the Evolution of Pro-Social Norms. Evolution and Human Behavior 19: 3-25.
2002 Social Capital
and Community Governance. The Economic
Journal 112 (483): F419-F436.
Brower, Sidney N.
2011 Neighbors
and Neighborhoods: Elements of Successful Community Design. APA Planners
Press, Chicago.
Canuto, Marcello A. and Jason Yaeger (editors)
2000 The
Archaeology of Communities. Routledge, New York.
2012 Communities in
Ancient Mesoamerica. In The Oxford Handbook of Mesoamerican
Archaeology, edited by Deborah L. Nichols and Christopher Pool, pp.
697-707. Oxford University Press, New York.
Carballo, David M. (editor)
2013 Cooperation
and Collective Action: Archaeological Perspectives. University Press of
Colorado, Boulder.
Hechter, Michael
1987 Principles
of Group Solidarity. University of California Press, Berkeley.
Ostrom, Elinor
1990 Governing
the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action. Cambridge
University Press, New York.
2010 Beyond Markets
and States: Polycentric Governance of Complex Economic Systems. American Economic Review 100 (3):
641-672.
Sampson, Robert J.
1999 What Community Supplies. In Urban Problems and
Community Development, edited by Ronald F. Ferguson and William T. Dickens,
pp. 241-292. Brookings Institution Press, Washington, DC.
2012 Great American City: Chicago and the
Enduring Neighborhood Effect. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Schachner, Gregson
2012 Population
Circulation and the Transformation of Ancient Zuni Communities. University
of Arizona Press, Tucson
Talen, Emily
1999 Sense of Community and Neighbourhood Form:
An Assessment of the Social Doctrine of New Urbanism. Urban Studies 36: 1361-1379.
Taylor, Michael and Sara Singleton
1993 The Communal Resource: Transaction Costs and
the Solution of Collective Action Problems. Politics
and Society 21 (2): 195-214.
Tilly, Charles
2008 Explaining
Social Processes. Paradigm Publishers, Boulder, CO.
Yaeger, Jason and Marcello A. Canuto
2000 Introducing an Archaeology of Communities. In The
Archaeology of Communities, edited by Marcello A. Canuto and Jason Yaeger,
pp. 1-15. Routledge, New York.
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